Democracy in Haiti: Can it Birth?

"Today, March 29, 1993, liberty is in prison." The impassioned Haitian speaker kept his gaze upon us. "Many people in Haiti are in prison, cannot meet, cannot speak out, must hide..."

The Parliament Senate had convened this date to commemorate the sixth anniversary of the Haitian Constitution. The meeting hall was crammed with legislators, news reporters, and importantly, several courageous Haitian citizens who would dare to speak against the outrage perpetrated against constitutional law by the illegitimate de facto military government.

"You wrote the Constitution." Another speaker thunders forth, pointing to the legislators. "You enforce it!"

I had arrived into the tropical heat of Haiti only days after digging out from "the snowstorm of the century" at my home in Pocahontas County, West Virginia. As one of a 12 member combined delegation Witness for Peace / Christian Peacemaker Teams, our mission was to listen to the cry in Haiti and carry that message back into The United States.

"Haiti and West Virginia have much in common," I often mused during my 9 day trip. "Both have a history of political corruption, economic exploitation, and environmental ruination. Both suffer from negative stereotype. Both are largely forgotten, ignored. And both are rural, mountainous, with warm, friendly inhabitants."

"Democracy cannot be built in absolute misery." The speeches continue, urgent voices thirsty for justice. "Anybody is an enemy of the country who resists change. If there is no change, this country will disappear."

Following the historic December 16, 1990 internationally accredited free election, newly elected President Bertrand Aristide did launch out on the road toward change. In an eleven candidate presidential field, Aristide had gathered 67% of the validated ballots. U.S. backed Marc Bezin, the current post-coup de facto President, had placed second with but 12%.

The 80% of the Haitian population living in the abject poverty of the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere overwhelmingly supported Aristide, a former Catholic priest whose parish work in the slums of La Saline had become legendary. However, many in the numerically small but powerful middle-and-upper classes were less than enthusiastic. Historically, these elites have constructed Haitian society to their advantage, including the right to not pay taxes, the right to monopolistic trade, and the right to manipulate law and enforcement for their own self-interest.

Aristide proposed to raise the minimum wage from $3 per day to $5 per day. He advocated land reform. He vowed war against the flourishing drug transshipment business. Furthermore, Aristide promised to trim the military.

"December 16th was an accident of history that must never be repeated!" Referring to the election of Aristide, a non-published statement issued by the Port-au-Prince Chamber of Commerce March 26 reveals the continuing strong feelings of many businessmen. One need only drive around the classy neighborhoods of Pétionville, a cool mountain suburb above Port-au-Prince, to visually understand the class fears Aristide evokes. Swimming pools, Mercedes-Benzes, verdant gardens embellish luxurious homes, while in close backyard proximity mud caked alleys and ravines teem with tin-roofed shanties. The Rich Man and Lazarus: The heaven-hell parable of Jesus is vivid in Haiti.

Democracy is a new fad sweeping the world. Everybody espouses democracy, even the powers-that-be in Haiti who figure that if the wrong person wins then just throw him out and have another election.

Haiti has two Senates and two lower chambers. The recent sham election of January 18th created this debacle.

"I love Haiti. I want to live here, plan to always live here. But I will never never never vote again in Haiti. Never! Unless there is a deep change in the way politics operates." In Cape Haitien a young teacher emphatically tells us the feelings of many.

"If this election [of Aristide] is not accepted, then we will not try again. We spoke in our vote. Accept that!" This teacher speaks the fears of many Haitians that the U.S. will negotiate an end to the military de facto government that will exclude Aristide.

"The United States is committed to the restoration of the legitimately elected government." Ellen Cosgrove at the U.S. Embassy meets with us a few hours before our Parliament visit on March 29th. "The U.S. is totally honoring its embargo commitment. Goods getting through are from other nations. And contrary to rumor, absolutely no military aid has been given since the coup d'état. Nothing! Zippo." She shows us substantiating documentation.

Initially Ellen Cosgrove had seemed uptight meeting with our activist church delegation. Intensive high-level negotiations to resolve the political impasse were ongoing, but she was patient and gracious with our delegation. An Embassy specialist in human rights, she was clearly exasperated over the corruption in Haiti.

"Both the military and some powerful families continue to make extraordinary profits in drug transshipments and in commodity monopolies such as cooking oil and charcoal. The embargo has created many new millionaires."

Ellen pauses for a solution. "Maybe canceling U.S.visas will work. These clans have business and family ties to the U.S. Pulling their visas, a lifetime ban for obstructing democracy, now that would get their attention."

Our delegation met with the cordial OAS human rights observers beginning to set up in Haiti. The Haitians are cautious, skeptical, observing the observers to see what they will do. A group of educators and community development leaders shared with us. "Right now we Haitians are in hiding, persecuted, killed, under their eyes. Pressure needs to be put on the observers to guarantee basic liberties --- freedom of assembly, speech."

"Anybody for any type of organization is immediately a target of repression. At least 300,000 people are in hiding, displaced, unable to return safely to their own neighborhoods." Pere Antoine Adrien, an influential priest outspoken in opposition to the takeover, is telling us what we were continually encountering. Many people had come forth to tell us of small farming and business cooperatives being shut down by military force, organizers and participants beaten and imprisoned.

Pere Antoine continues, his energetic expressive face alternately furrowed with concern then radiant with hope. "The first step must be a return to the rule of law, to accept and enforce the Constitution. This is absolutely essential!"

"The army must be forced to be under the rule of law."

Pere Antoine envisions a transitional government to prepare for the return of Aristide. The army must be reduced, purged of those who have victimized the people, then brought under law.

"President Clinton may be negotiating in good faith." Pere Antoine smiles knowingly, as if holding a secret. "Maybe as early as two weeks, something might break through."

This is a crucial time. Antoine wants the people to control themselves. "If there has not been an incredible outburst of anger and violence, it is because Aristide exerts such influence on the people. But the situation worsens. It's a time bomb which could explode at any time."

"Development projects are ready to go when democracy is stabilized. Haiti has always had an excellent credit rating, always has paid its loans, until this past year." David Eckersley of USAID holds hope for Haiti. "Aristide had an excellent economic development plan that was internationally acclaimed, almost ready to implement, then the coup."

At Parliament the speeches conclude. Firmin Jean-Louis, President of the Senate, states in adjournment, "Our historic responsibility today is to re-establish democracy."

Perhaps this is no less true in The United States, in West Virginia, even back in my home county Pocahontas: Today, everyday is a struggle to build and maintain a participatory society that will continue to ignite and fuel the fragile freedom flame of truth, justice, and mercy for all peoples. Indeed, no one is truly free until all are freed.